| View previous topic :: View next topic |
| Author |
Message |
Ferre
Cannabis Sacrament Minister.
Joined: 14 Apr 2003
Posts: 7295
Location: Amsterdam
|
 Posted: Sat Dec 18, 2004 1:02 am Post subject: A Message From The Iraq Resistance |
 |
|
| Quote: |
Iraqi Resistance speech on videotape December 13 2004
Rush transcript-
Title:
Communiqué Number 6
The media platoon of the Islamic Jihad Army. On the 27th of Shawal 1425h. 10 December 2004
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
People of the world! These words come to you from those who up to the day of the invasion were struggling to survive under the sanctions imposed by the criminal regimes of the U.S. and Britain .
We are simple people who chose principles over fear.
We have suffered crimes and sanctions, which we consider the true weapons of mass destruction.
Years and years of agony and despair, while the condemned UN traded with our oil revenues in the name of world stability and peace.
Over two million innocents died waiting for a light at the end of a tunnel that only ended with the occupation of our country and the theft of our resources.
After the crimes of the administrations of the U.S and Britain in Iraq , we have chosen our future. The future of every resistance struggle ever in the history of man.
It is our duty, as well as our right, to fight back the occupying forces, which their nations will be held morally and economically responsible; for what their elected governments have destroyed and stolen from our land.
We have not crossed the oceans and seas to occupy Britain or the U.S. nor are we responsible for 9/11. These are only a few of the lies that these criminals present to cover their true plans for the control of the energy resources of the world, in face of a growing China and a strong unified Europe . It is Ironic that the Iraqi's are to bear the full face of this large and growing conflict on behalf of the rest of this sleeping world.
We thank all those, including those of Britain and the U.S. , who took to the streets in protest against this war and against Globalism. We also thank France , Germany and other states for their position, which least to say are considered wise and balanced, til now.
Today, we call on you again.
We do not require arms or fighters, for we have plenty.
We ask you to form a world wide front against war and sanctions. A front that is governed by the wise and knowing. A front that will bring reform and order. New institutions that would replace the now corrupt.
Stop using the U.S. dollar, use the Euro or a basket of currencies. Reduce or halt your consumption of British and U.S. products. Put an end to Zionism before it ends the world. Educate those in doubt of the true nature of this conflict and do not believe their media for their casualties are far higher than they admit.
We only wish we had more cameras to show the world their true defeat.
The enemy is on the run. They are in fear of a resistance movement they can not see nor predict.
We, now choose when, where, and how to strike. And as our ancestors drew the first sparks of civilization, we will redefine the word “conquest.“
Today we write a new chapter in the arts of urban warfare.
Know that by helping the Iraqi people you are helping yourselves, for tomorrow may bring the same destruction to you.
In helping the Iraqi people does not mean dealing for the Americans for a few contracts here and there. You must continue to isolate their strategy.
This conflict is no longer considered a localized war. Nor can the world remain hostage to the never-ending and regenerated fear that the American people suffer from in general.
We will pin them here in Iraq to drain their resources, manpower, and their will to fight. We will make them spend as much as they steal, if not more.
We will disrupt, then halt the flow of our stolen oil, thus, rendering their plans useless.
And the earlier a movement is born, the earlier their fall will be.
And to the American soldiers we say, you can also choose to fight tyranny with us. Lay down your weapons, and seek refuge in our mosques, churches and homes. We will protect you. And we will get you out of Iraq , as we have done with a few others before you.
Go back to your homes, families, and loved ones. This is not your war. Nor are you fighting for a true cause in Iraq .
And to George W. Bush, we say, “You have asked us to ‘Bring it on’, and so have we. Like never expected. Have you another challenge?”
VIDEO:
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article7468.htm
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/video1/message-from-resistance.wmv
|
_________________
█ Please read the Board Rules and Posting, and you
█ Radio Free Amsterdam
People who know truth, speak truth.
Those who don't, quote scriptures. |
|
| Back to top |
|
 |
Lilli
Cannabis Sacrament Minister
Joined: 12 Dec 2003
Posts: 4218
|
| Posted: Sat Dec 18, 2004 1:20 am Post subject: |
|
|
 Wow What a letter. Thanks for sharing that Ferre. It literaly has left me with goosebumps. How would one start using euros?
_________________
I pass to you the torch that Christ once passed to me.
Others are still in the dark and need
the light to see.
"I AM"
"Gathering the fragments so that
none are lost"
His Shepherdess
http://missouri.thcministry.org/ |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
Ferre
Cannabis Sacrament Minister.
Joined: 14 Apr 2003
Posts: 7295
Location: Amsterdam
|
| Posted: Sat Dec 18, 2004 1:48 am Post subject: |
|
|
| Quote: |
America's Sinister Plan for Falluja
by Michael Schwartz <Ms42@optonline.net>
Professor of Sociology at the State University of New York
at Stony Brook, December 17, 2004
The chilling reality of what Falluja has become is only now seeping out,
as the American military continues to block almost all access
to the city, whether to reporters, its former residents,
or aid groups like the Red Crescent Society.
The date of access keeps being postponed, partly because of ongoing
fighting -- only this week more air strikes were called in and fighting
"in pockets" remains fierce (despite American pronouncements of success
weeks ago) -- and partly because of the difficulties military commanders
have faced in attempting to prettify their ugly handiwork.
Residents will now officially be denied entry until at least December 24;
and even then, only the heads of households will be allowed in,
a few at a time, to assess damage to their residences
in the largely destroyed city.
With a few notable exceptions the media has accepted
the recent virtual news blackout in Falluja.
The ongoing fighting in the city,especially in "cleared" neighborhoods,
is proving an embarrassment and so,while military spokesmen continue
to announce American casualties, they now come not from the city itself
but,far more vaguely,from "al Anbar province" of which the city is a part.
Fifty American soldiers died in the taking of the city;
20 more died in the following weeks -- before the reports stopped.
Iraqi civilian casualties remain unknown and accounts of what's happened
in the city, except from the point of view of embedded reporters
(and so of American troops) remain scarce indeed.
With only a few exceptions (notably Anthony Shadid of the Washington
Post), American reporters have neglected to cull news from refugee camps
or Baghdad hospitals, where survivors of the siege are now congregating.
Intrepid independent and foreign reporters are doing a better job
(most notably Dahr Jamail, whose dispatches are indispensable),
but even they have been handicapped by lack of access to the city itself.
At least Jamail did the next best thing, interviewing a Red Crescent
worker who was among the handful of NGO personnel
allowed briefly into the wreckage that was Falluja.
A report by Katarina Kratovac of the Associated Press
(picked by the Washington Post) about military plans
for managing Falluja once it is pacified (if it ever is) proved
a notable exception to the arid coverage in the major media.
Kratovac based her piece on briefings by the military leadership,
notably Lt. Gen. John F. Sattler, commander of the Marines in Iraq.
By combining her evidence with some resourceful reporting by Dahr Jamail
(and bits and pieces of information from reports printed up elsewhere),
a reasonably sharp vision of the conditions the U.S. is planning
for Falluja's "liberated" residents comes into focus.
When they are finally allowed to return, if all goes as the Americans
imagine, here's what the city's residents may face:
* Entry and exit from the city will be restricted.
According to General Sattler, only five roads into the city will remain
open. The rest will be blocked by "sand berms" -- read, mountains
of earth that will make them impassible.
Checkpoints will be established at each of the five entry points,
manned by U.S. troops, and everyone entering will be "photographed,
fingerprinted and have iris scans taken before being issued ID cards."
Though Sattler reassured American reporters that the process
would only take 10 minutes, the implication is that entry and exit
from the city will depend solely on valid ID cards properly proffered,
a system akin to the pass-card system
used during the apartheid era in South Africa.
* Fallujans are to wear their universal identity cards in plain sight
at all times. The ID cards will, according to Dahr Jamail's information,
be made into badges that contain the individual's home address.
This sort of system has no purpose except to allow for the monitoring
of everyone in the city, so that ongoing American patrols can quickly
determine if someone is not a registered citizen or is suspiciously
far from their home neighborhood.
* No private automobiles will be allowed inside the city.
This is a "precaution against car bombs," which Sattler called
"the deadliest weapons in the insurgent arsenal." As a district is opened
to repopulation, the returning residents will be forced to park their cars
outside the city and will be bused to their homes.
How they will get around afterwards has not been announced.
How they will transport reconstruction materials
to rebuild their devastated property is also a mystery.
* Only those Fallujans cleared through American intelligence vettings
will be allowed to work on the reconstruction of the city.
Since Falluja is currently devastated and almost all employment will,
at least temporarily, derive from whatever reconstruction aid
the U.S. provides, this means that the Americans plan to retain
a life-and-death grip on the city.
Only those deemed by them to be non-insurgents (based on notoriously
faulty American intelligence) will be able to support themselves
or their families.
* Those engaged in reconstruction work -- that is, work -- in the city may
be organized into "work brigades." The best information indicates that
these will be military-style battalions commanded by the American or Iraqi
armed forces. Here, as in other parts of the plan, the motive
is clearly to maintain strict surveillance over males of military age,
all of whom will be considered potential insurgents.
In case the overarching meaning of all this has eluded you,
Major Francis Piccoli, a spokesman for the 1st Marine Expeditionary Force,
which is leading the occupation of Falluja,
spelled it out for the AP's Kratovac:
"Some may see this as a 'Big Brother is watching over you' experiment,
but in reality it's a simple security measure to keep the insurgents
from coming back."
Actually, it is undoubtedly meant to be both;
and since, in the end, it is likely to fail (at least,if the "success"
of other American plans in Iraq is taken as precedent),it may prove
less revealing of Falluja's actual future than of the failure
of the American counterinsurgency effort in Iraq
and of the desperation of American strategists.
In this context,the most revealing element of the plan may be
the banning of all cars, the enforcement of which,
all by itself, would make the city unlivable;
and which therefore demonstrates both the impracticality of the U.S.
vision and a callous disregard for the needs and rights of the Fallujans.
These dystopian plans are a direct consequence of the fact
that the conquest of Falluja, despite the destruction of the city,
visibly did not accomplish its primary goal: "[To] wipe out militants
and insurgents and break the back of guerrillas in Falluja."
Even taking American kill figures at face value, the battle for the city
was hardly a full-scale success. Before the assault on the city began,
American intelligence estimated that there were 5,000 insurgents inside.
General Sattler himself conceded that the final official count was 1,200
fighters killed and no more than 2,000 suspected guerrillas captured.
(This assumes, of course, that it was possible in the heat of the battle
and its grim aftermath to tell whether any dead man of fighting age
was an "insurgent," a "suspected insurgent," or just a dead civilian.)
At least a couple of thousand resistance fighters previously residing
in Falluja are, then, still "at large" -- not counting the undoubtedly
sizeable number of displaced residents now angry enough to take up arms.
As a consequence, were the U.S. to allow the outraged residents of Falluja
to return unmolested, they would simply face a new struggle in the ruins
of the city (as, in fact, continues to be the case anyway).
This would leave the extensive devastation of whole neighborhoods
as the sole legacy of the invasion.
American desperation is expressed in a willingness to treat
all Fallujans as part of the insurgency -- the inevitable fate
of an occupying army that tries to "root out" a popular resistance.
As General Sattler explains, speaking of the plan for the "repopulation"
of the city, "Once we've cleared each and every house in a sector,
then the Iraqi government will make the notification of residents
of that particular sector that they are encouraged to return."
In other words, each section of the city must be entirely emptied of life,
so that the military can be sure not even one suspect insurgent has
infiltrated the new order. (As is evident, this is but another American
occupation fantasy, since the insurgents still hiding in the city have
evidently proven all too adept at "repopulating" emptied neighborhoods
themselves.)
The ongoing policy of house-to-house inspections, combined with
ultra-tight security regulations aimed at not allowing suspected
guerrillas to reenter the city, is supposed to insure that everyone
inside the Fallujan perimeter will not only be disarmed but obedient
to occupation demands and desires.
The name tags and the high-tech identity cards are meant to guard
against both forgeries and unlawful movement within the city.
The military-style work gangs are to insure
that everyone is under close supervision at all times.
The restricted entry points are clearly meant to keep all weapons out.
Assumedly kept out as well will be
most or all reporters(they tend to inflame public opinion),
most medical personnel (they tend to "exaggerate" civilian casualties),
and most Sunni clerics (they oppose the occupation
and support the insurgency)..
We can also expect close scrutiny of computers (which can be used for
nefarious communications), ambulances (which have been used to smuggle
weapons and guerrillas), medicines (which can be used to patch up
wounded fighters who might still be hiding somewhere), and so on.
It is not much of a reach to see that, at least in their fantasies,
U.S. planners would like what sociologists call a "Total Institution."
Like a mental hospital or a prison, Falluja, at least as reimagined
by the Americans, will be a place where constant surveillance
equals daily life and the capacity to interdict "suspicious" behavior
(however defined) is the norm.
But "total institution" might be too sanitized a term to describe
activities which so clearly violate international law
as well as fundamental morality.
Those looking for a descriptor with more emotional bite might consider
one of those used by correspondent Pepe Escobar of the Asia Times:
either "American gulag" for those who enjoy Stalinist imagery or
"concentration camp" for those who prefer the Nazi version of the same.
But maybe we should just call it a plain old police (city-)state.
Where will such plans lead? Well, for one thing, we can confidently
predict that nothing we might recognize as an election will take place
in Falluja at the end of January. (Remember,it was to liberate Fallujans
from the grip of "terrorists" and to pave the way for electoral free
choice that the Bush administration claimed it was taking the city
in the first place.) With the current date for allowing
the first residents to return set for December 24 -- heads of household
only to assess property damage -- and the process of repopulation
supposedly moving step-by-step, from north to south, across neighborhoods
and over time, it's almost inconceivable that a majority of Fallujans
will have returned by late January (if they are even willing
to return under the conditions set by the Americans).
Latest reports are that it will take six months to a year
simply to restore electricity to the city. So organizing elections
seems unlikely indeed.
The magnitude of the devastation and the brutality of the American
plan are what's likely to occupy the full attention of Fallujans
for the foreseeable future -- and their reactions to these dual disasters
represent the biggest question mark of the moment.
However, the history of the Iraq war thus far, and the history of
guerrilla wars in general, suggest that there will simply
be a new round of struggle, and that carefully laid military plans
will begin to disi ntegratewiththeveryfirstarrivals.
There is no predicting what form the new struggle will take,
but the U.S. military is going to have a great deal of difficulty
controlling a large number of rebellious,
angry people inside the gates of America's new mini-police state.
This is why the military command has kept almost all
of the original attack force in the city, in anticipation
of the need for tight patrols by a multitude of American troops.
(And it also explains why so many other locations around the country
have suddenly found themselves without an American troop presence.)
The Falluja police-state strategy represents a sign of weakness,
not strength. The new Falluja imagined by American planners
is a desperate, ad hoc response to the failure of the battle to
"break the back of the guerrillas." Like the initial attack on the city,
it too is doomed to failure, though it has the perverse
"promise" of deepening the suffering of the Iraqis.
================================================================
Michael Schwartz, Professor of Sociology at the State University
of New York at Stony Brook, has written extensively on popular protest
and insurgency, and on American business and government dynamics.
His work on Iraq has appeared at TomDispatch, Asia Times, and ZNet
and in Contexts and Z Magazine. His books include Radical Politics
and Social Structure, The Power Structure of American Business
(with Beth Mintz), and Social Policy and the Conservative Agenda
(edited, with Clarence Lo)
His email address is Ms42@optonline.net.
|
_________________
█ Please read the Board Rules and Posting, and you
█ Radio Free Amsterdam
People who know truth, speak truth.
Those who don't, quote scriptures. |
|
| Back to top |
|
|
|
|
You cannot post new topics in this forum
You cannot reply to topics in this forum
You cannot edit your posts in this forum
You cannot delete your posts in this forum
You cannot vote in polls in this forum
|
|
Public Forum
Members only forum
Members Group
| 
